Towards Gender Equality in Water Resources Management: Highlights from Nepal

Bhawana Upadhyay* and Aditya Bastola**

*Corresponding author, Asian Disaster Preparedness Center (ADPC), Bangkok Thailand. E-mail: bhawanau35@gmail.com (iD: https://orcid.org/0009-0003-2294-4109)**Independent Consultant (iD: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-9498-7170)

Introduction

Mounting climate uncertainties have intensified water insecurity caused by unequal water distribution practices (Singh et al., 2020). The increasing water insecurity disfranchises women, the poor, and marginalized communities whose lives and livelihoods depend on water.

The established power relations shape the negotiation process while planning and setting development priorities, particularly for women from marginalized communities and caste groups who live in remote terrain and are disabled or elderly (Goodrich et al., 2019). Women and the marginalized remain outside the purview of or with a limited role in decision-making to manage resources (Resurrección et al., 2019; Wali et al., 2020). Women are either considered victims or responders, multiple layers of identities intersect with social inequalities and oppression to determine an individual state of vulnerability (Yadav et al., 2021).

In addition, migration has lately become a significant source of livelihood diversification in Nepal. (Gautam, 2017). Increased male out-migration has brought both positive and negative social changes in Nepalese society (Meinzen-Dick et al., 2022). In some instances, it has increased women’s negotiation skills and empowered them, while it has also contributed to the growing feminization of agricultural labor (Tamang et al., 2014).

In Nepal, water programs, including WASH and irrigation services, highlight the need for female participation. The official recognition of gender is evident from the Sixth Periodic Plan (1980-1985), which adopted the policy of enhancing the efficiency of women by recognizing their roles in development. However, the Water Resource Act 1992 did not mention gender.

Though the Ninth Periodic Plan (1997-2002) has recognized a paradigm shift from the conceptual framework of women in development to gender and development, sectoral policies—irrigation and agriculture have yet to fully recognize women as farmers and their engagement as entrepreneurs in commercial farming. Nevertheless, with the increasing outmigration of male members, women are forced to ensure water supply for domestic and irrigation purposes.

Prioritizing water governance and giving a voice to women and marginalized communities is essential for creating a fairer society by understanding their needs and finding solutions. Women and men can negotiate equally over the allocation of work, entitlements, and rights and improve their livelihoods. However, historically rooted social and cultural dynamics such as the patriarchy and the feudal system continue to determine access to and control over resources, finances, and decision-making of women and Dalits (Sapkota et al., 2016).

Without governance, there is no interaction between groups of women and men (Bastola, 2015). To draw meaningful participation of women and men, it is essential to understand how governance works out in practice. As the participation of women and men in water institutions is linked to land rights, powerful men take charge and control of decision-making, and influence who participates and who does not (Bhattarai et al., 2021). Although women perform many of the water-related tasks, their voices are rarely heard in these water institutions.

Gender

Despite efforts to promote gender and social equity in water institutions, women and marginalized groups still face significant barriers to meaningful participation. Current water governance discussions, policy implementation, and access to water services remain largely dominated by those in power (Bhattarai et al., 2021).

In light of the above backdrop, this paper tries to explore the following research questions;

What gender issues are emerging in water management and how well do water and climate change policies consider gender integration?

What are the gaps and best practices of gender inclusivity in water management?

What can be done to strengthen gender-responsive water management policies and practices in the context of climate change?

After presenting our methods, we highlight the nexus of water, and climate change including key factors identified during stakeholder consultations like vulnerability, governance to climate resilience and resilience building. We then examine the integration of gender considerations into policy design and implementation of both climate change and water sectors. Finally, the paper presents best practices and recommendations to strengthen gender-responsive water management policies and practices in the context of climate change. The insights gained from this paper can be valuable for policymakers and practitioners seeking to comprehend gender-specific impacts of climate change, gender roles, and climate action, and develop water policies, strategies, and programs/projects to address them.

Methods

The study adopted the qualitative approach and the initial phase of the study involved desk research to identify relevant literature, organizations, stakeholders, and experts. The desk research also helped finalize the methodology and collect primary and secondary information to prepare data instruments. The secondary data were collected from various data records and through complimentary discussions, meetings, workshops, interactions, and dialogues with key stakeholders.

After desk research, we identified and mapped the key stakeholders involved in policy design, development, and implementation processes related to promoting gender equality in water and climate change adaptation. To better understand their roles and areas of focus, we consulted with various experts, project sector specialists, and sector focal persons from nodal ministries. These consultations helped us identify the relevant ministries and through an internal consultative process, we shortlisted the key stakeholders.

A comprehensive set of questionnaires was utilized for both Key Informant Interviews (KIIs) and Focus Group Discussions (FGDs) to obtain citizen data. Data collected from various sources was triangulated and analyzed to understand gender and water nexus, policy context, institutional mechanisms, budgets, good practices, and the existing challenges in policies and practices. The content analysis and assessment of the identified policy documents^[1] are done to understand how gender considerations have been integrated by using gender integration criteria previously used by the CGIAR Research Program on Climate Change, Agriculture and Food Security (CCAFS) and others (WEDO 2016, Aura et al 2017, Paudyal et al 2019). The criteria are adapted and refined according to the country context for this assessment in stakeholder consultation workshops and meetings. The gender integration criteria used for reviewing and assessing the policy documents are as follows:

• The extent of gender integration in water-related policy documents
• Recognition of gender differential use, distribution, and management of water resources
• Gender-related budgetary provisions for climate adaptation and water resources management
• Provision of women’s participation in policy planning process and monitoring and reporting

Results and Discussion

Nexus of water, climate change, and gender

Nepal's water sector faces the adverse impact of changing climatic conditions, resulting in problems related to too much or too little water. The effects of varying precipitation and temperature patterns have led to increased occurrences of Glacial Lake Outburst floods (GLOFs) and have disrupted traditional water sources.

After the adoption of the federal system in Nepal, population growth and urbanization have increased environmental degradation; resulting in water insecurity (Singh et al., 2020). For the mountains and the hills, the springs have become seasonal or are drying rapidly. Water insecurity in the mountains and the hills has affected communities living in the flatlands (Shrestha et al., 2021). In addition, with changing precipitation and temperature patterns, incidences of floods, flash floods, erosion, and droughts have become common every year (Shrestha et al., 2021).

The impact of climate change is likely to exacerbate the frequency and intensity of GLOFs, landslides, debris flows, and flash floods. The consequences are drying springs and streams, forest fires, and other negative impacts on overall water availability, thereby affecting agriculture and livestock, and causing a decline in agrobiodiversity. These adverse effects have resulted in low production and incomes, and reduced capacity of the communities to cope with stressful situations. These catastrophic events destroy homes, bridges, roads, and agricultural land and add psychological challenges for people trying to manage their lives and livelihoods (McDowell et al., 2022). As a result, these events further marginalize people who are already socially and economically disadvantaged.

Drying springs and decreasing availability and accessibility of water have increased the work burden on women, requiring them to travel long distances to fetch water (Gurung and Bisht, 2014). Studies reveal that women and girls spend hours per day during the monsoon season, fetching water. Women travel on average for 2-3 hours per day in the dry season to obtain their daily household supply of water. Out of the total time available for labor, 30 percent is spent on collecting water (Sugden and De Silva, 2014, ADB 2022).

Any disaster can quickly reverse the development goals achieved thus far. It can push communities back into the trap of chronic poverty. Therefore, it is essential to understand the interaction of climatic and non-climatic drivers that expose groups of women and men to a state of vulnerability (Goodrich et al., 2019). Climate change impacts are not gender-neutral, different groups of women and men will experience it differently. Therefore, the response to these impacts also differs among women and men as individual experience intersects with caste and ethnic identities, geographical location (remoteness), educational level, economic status, and physical abilities.

Gendered vulnerability to climate change

Gender-based vulnerability is a sub-category of social vulnerability. It is part of the process that creates differential vulnerabilities for people belonging to different gender-based categories (Sugden et al., 2014a). It is also drawn on the intersectionality approach, which is driven by biophysical and social factors that are gendered. It is embedded in everyday power relations that reflect the economic, demographic, and political processes determining women’s and men’s capabilities and conditions, allowing them to cope with changing situations.

The historical inequalities perpetuated in our sociocultural practices, norms, and values are part of what initially determine an individual’s coping and adaptation processes to the impacts of climate change. Often, these factors remain contextual and are reproduced and driven by various conditions, resulting in different access to and control over resources and power distribution.

When an individual’s conditions interact with other external drivers, such as market conditions, urbanization, levels of development, consumerism, and technological interventions, they produce different types and degrees of vulnerability (Figure 1). From a vulnerability perspective, such factors remain contextual and fluid to determine an individual's access to and control over resources and the ability to influence decision-making.They intersect and interplay with each other to shape the vulnerability of individuals and groups (Goodrich et al., 2019).

Figure 1: Gendered vulnerabilities and climate change

Source: Goodrich et al., 2019

Therefore, the experiences of different groups of women and men are not homogenous; they change over time and space, depicting emerging realities. In the context of climate change, growing uncertainties interplay with multiple factors and drivers of change that influence the livelihood options of women and men, determining their capacity to respond to the risks posed by climatic and socioeconomic stressors.

Uncertainties in water availability cause havoc in the lives of women, children, and the elderly. These people remain the most vulnerable during and after the floods. Socio-cultural norms, forced mobility, specific needs of women in disaster situations, increased workload of managing water for households and livestock, and caring for the family, all tend to reinforce women’s vulnerability (Udas et al., 2021).

Vulnerability to resilience

In Nepal, women comprise a significant proportion of the population and agricultural labor. They face several climate-related challenges such as water scarcity, reduced agricultural yield, food insecurity, health issues, and increasing workload. Yet, they are discriminated against within institutions – socio-culturally and politically. There is an asymmetrical relationship between gender roles and responsibilities; women and marginalized people lack equal access to and control over assets, resources, services, and decision-making. Such discriminatory practices have accelerated women's and men's vulnerability to the impacts of climate change.

There are several ethnic communities and caste groups that follow diverse cultural practices. Patriarchal norms and values drive the gender relationships among these groups of women and men. Women continue to be more deprived than men and lower caste and ethnic minorities are more underprivileged than upper caste groups.

The time and drudgery involved in fetching water and meeting the water needs of family members, livestock, and homestead have reduced women's opportunities to engage in economic activities fully. Hence, women’s use of water seems to be concentrated around domestic household needs, while men use water for productive gains - such as large-scale farming and fisheries Upadhyay, 2004). Although women possess considerable knowledge about the management and utilization of water resources, the water use trend differs among women and men.

Such gender division of labor and gendered norms, which influence water-related responsibilities, have widened the gender gaps in the water sector (Upadhyay, 2003). Water scarcity not only affects the quality and quantity of drinking water, it also has implications on sanitation and hygiene, particularly among young girls and women, when it comes to maintaining menstrual hygiene. In addition, growing scarcity and high demand for irrigation have resulted in night-time irrigation putting women-headed households at a disadvantage as well as increasing the potential of gender-based violence (ICIMOD, 2021).

The underlying structural and socio-cultural barriers cause an additional burden on the poor and the most vulnerable, especially economically disadvantaged women, increasing the severity of the impact of climate change. Women's roles and responsibilities in natural resource management, particularly community forest management, have been well recognized in Nepal (MoFE, 2020). However, women remain excluded from the decision-making process in water resources management, despite some policies having made mandatory provisions for women's representation (Shrestha and Clement, 2019; USAID, 2020).

Although efforts are being made to bring women into decision-making platforms, an emphasis is placed on the number of women at institutions rather than their abilities to influence decisions made by the men in water institutions. Women, the poor, and marginalized communities do not always raise their water-related needs and choices at most forums. These platforms may not provide sufficient room for women's political participation as leaders, community members, civil society groups, technical officers, and media persons, being primarily male and elite-dominated.

There is a need to create space in relevant institutions: for women who are engaged in water management practices directly or indirectly, as local leaders as well as leaders at district and provincial levels. There is also the need to strengthen their adaptive capacity through knowledge, awareness, and access to technology, to address climate change risks and mechanisms (ICIMOD, 2011; Khadka, 2022). Such provisions can enhance women's productivity and decision-making capabilities within households and local institutions.

Gender Integration in Water Policies

Regarding water policies, our KIIs revealed that Nepal’s national water policies dated back to 1955 (Table 1). Initially, the Essential Commodity Protection Act addressed drinking water as an essential commodity to be protected. Later, Muluki Ain (1963) formalized the irrigation system, prioritizing water use for irrigation and regulating traditional farmer-managed irrigation systems. Since then, several water-sector-related policies have been enacted, but many of them did not explicitly address gender issues. Some key water policies that have brought crucial changes in the water sector are; the Water Resources Act 1992 and Water Resources Rules 1993; Environment Protection Act 1997, and Regulation 1997; however, they remained silent on gender issues (Goodrich et al., 2021).

After the Eight Five-Year Plan (1992-1997), the change in the country’s political system triggered significant changes in women’s participation in local institutions. For instance, the drinking water and irrigation policy (1992) mandated achieving a minimum of 20 percent of women’s participation in Water User’s Associations (WUAs).

And, the Ninth Five-year Plan (1997-2000) recognized women’s development and empowerment as a key development tenet. It indicated that all national development programs shall adhere to Nepal’s National Plan for Gender Equality and Women’s Empowerment, formulated to implement the Beijing Platform for Action. The Ninth Plan adopted the policy of gender mainstreaming, reducing gender inequality, and empowering women.

Post the Ninth Plan, promotion of the gender budget system, policy acknowledgment of gender biases, and provisions of financial commitment to address these biases are some of the main changes seen within the water sector. The Irrigation Policy (2014), the WASH Sector Development Plan (2016 -2030), the National Water Plan (2002-2027), and the National Water Resources Policy 2020 are all key examples. The recent initiatives to institutionalize gender in public institutions - by establishing GESI focal persons in each sectoral ministry and units/line department and the development of GESI guidelines - show commitment to promoting gender equality.

Recently, policies aimed at addressing gender and climate change issues have progressed from simply acknowledging the inclusion of women toward implementing concrete measures such as directing fixed quotas, bringing women into executive committees, and promoting interventions to achieve gender equality and women's empowerment. These measures highlight a positive shift toward ensuring that the impact of climate change on gender is effectively addressed through policy interventions.

However, women are often underrepresented in decision-making due to their ascribed gender roles, restricted mobility, and limited access to information and networks. There are few women at the policy-making level and they are less likely to be represented even with the mandatory representation directed by the policies and plans. Shrestha and Clement (2019) noted that women are still not being recognized as legitimate irrigators in their families.

If women have a real influence on decisions and represent other women's interests, that is even rarer, as women participating are mostly from a higher caste, thereby not necessarily defending the interests of women from marginalized castes or ethnic groups (Shrestha and Clement, 2019). This has often been a systemic challenge because issues raised by policies are not translated into acts and regulations and lack clear action plans, financial provisions, and monitoring mechanisms.

There are no effective implementation strategies to materialize these policy provisions. Since policies are not legal tools, agencies are not legally mandated to implement the policy directives. Therefore, legislative measures supporting the policy provisions are required to ensure fulfillment of the GESI commitment and equitable water resources management.

Table 1: Mapping of GESI provisions in the key water sector policy documents

Gender Integration in Climate Policies

Nepal has introduced policy initiatives to tackle climate change through the National Adaptation Programme of Action (NAPA) in 2010 and has made commitments to address gender inequality and social justice through amendments to laws and policies. Gender equality and social inclusion (GESI) have been incorporated as a crucial area in climate change policies, and disaster risk reduction policies in Nepal address resilience building at various levels and take into account gender concerns.

The GESI Strategy and Action Plan 2021 in Nepal captures both social and biophysical aspects of climate change and recognizes that gender inequality limits the adaptive capacity of women. It includes detailed strategies, provisions, and action plans for the water and energy sectors to achieve gender-responsive climate adaptation outcomes.

The policies, strategies, and guidelines specific to climate change that we reviewed have recognized the gender-differential impact of climate change and acknowledged women's participation in the climate adaptation process. For example, gender differentials in the impact of climate change have been explicitly acknowledged by some climate-related policy documents, such as the National Adaptation Program of Action (NAPA) 2010, Climate Change Policy 2019, GESI Strategy and Action Plan in Climate Change and National Adaptation Plan (NAP) 2021.

However, they have overlooked the issues related to intersectionality and considered women as a homogenous group. Furthermore, these policies have not adequately addressed the existing gender inequalities resulting from discriminatory social practices and unequal power relations between women, men, and other social groups.

Lack of gender-disaggregated data is a major challenge in understanding the impact of climate change, as the loss and damage of assets and property can be complicated; they are often registered in the name of the male members of the family. Similarly, in the case of early warning systems (EWS), alert communications often tend to favor male behavior, although women and men access, process, interpret, and react to alerts in different ways. Women’s needs and challenges are still understood within the realm of vulnerable and beneficiary groups in climate change and disaster management. The existing gender inequalities intersectional discrimination and unequal power relations are to be challenged to ensure gender-responsive policies and practices.

In summary, our analysis suggests climate policy documents consider the gender differential impacts of climate change across the water sectors and encourage gender inclusion in both adaptation and mitigation. However, these policies lack detailed action plans and budget provisions for their effective implementation. Climate change-related policies are to be owned and implemented by respective sectors; however, the lack of trained human resources and budget often becomes a challenge for sectoral ministries and concerned authorities to implement them effectively. This highlights the need for cross-sectoral coordination and collaboration for the successful implementation of gender-responsive climate policies and programs.

Institutions and Budgets

Each ministry is mandated to develop its GESI operational guidelines and provide institutional mechanisms to implement the GESI approach in its programs and policies. Under the new federal structure, most of the sectoral ministries and departments/units have developed GESI operational strategy and guidelines based on national commitments, but they are lacking in terms of implementation. The implementation approach remains unclear in the new administrative structure. It lacks clarity in terms of resolving water-related conflicts at the federal, provincial and even local levels.

Gender-responsive budgeting (GRB) was introduced by the Ministry of Finance, Nepal in the fiscal year 2007/08 as a response to the international commitments to achieving gender equality. The budget is classified into different categories in annual programs such as the budget directly benefitting women^[2], the budget indirectly benefits women,^[3] and the budget that is gender neutral^[4].

The overarching purpose of the GRB is to mainstream gender and women’s empowerment to achieve gender equality through the planning process. Similarly, the government has adopted a climate change budget code (CCBC) since 2012/2013 to facilitate the tracking of climate expenditures of concerned ministries. The total national budget is classified as highly relevant, relevant, and neutral based on the relativity to climate change. GRB coding is based on five indicators.

Overall, the percentage allocation of the budget as part of GRB under the Ministry of Energy, Water Resources and Irrigation (MoEWRI) for the last four years has been steadily decreasing, while the gender-neutral budget seems consistent. There is a reduced expenditure pattern in the GRB. For example, the Ministry of Drinking Water increased the direct gender-responsive budget in 2020-2021 and slightly decreased it to 0.89% in 2021-2022. Over the years, the share of the indirectly gender-responsive budget has declined. At the same time, the share of the gender-neutral budget has increased significantly, which indicates that gender-neutral programs are also increasing in the ministry.

Consultations with stakeholders suggested that the fluctuation in the allocation of GRB is primarily due to a lack of clear understanding of indicators among officials and the lack of coordination between the officials in sectoral ministries and the MoF. Moreover, GRB reflects only the amount of budget allocated under different categories, but does not measure effectiveness and contributions to enhancing the livelihoods of women due to a lack of tools to track the expenditure. Officials are facing challenges in classifying the GRB by applying the five criteria, because of limited technical understanding. Also, the GRB indicators have no clear linkage with national gender policies and priorities.

It is also critical to understand that one of the primary obstacles faced by women in Nepal in obtaining financial resources is the lack of land and property ownership. Because without legal control over these assets, women are unable to leverage them as collateral for loans. Cultural traditions and societal norms further complicate this issue, particularly in rural areas where women have minimal autonomy in financial matters and are unable to make independent decisions. Implementing gender-sensitive policies, initiatives, and programs tailored to address these challenges is crucial in fostering economic empowerment among women and facilitating their financial inclusion.

Good Practices

Our stakeholder consultations guided us to focus on projects that have achieved significant progress in addressing gender disparities in water management, and those that have the potential to be replicated or scaled up to benefit more communities. The selection of projects for review and documentation was guided by the key criteria;

1. Projects that have been successful in implementing gender-responsive activities in water management
2. Projects have potential for scaling up and replication with regard to community participation and women's empowerment.

Using these criteria, we try to ensure that the selected projects are relevant and valuable for further analysis and dissemination as good practice cases. The adoption of these key criteria highlights the importance of gender-responsive approaches to water management and community empowerment in achieving sustainable development goals.

The Building Climate Resilience of Watersheds in Mountain Eco-Regions of Nepal (BCRWME) project was implemented from 2014 to 2020 as the first component of Nepal's Strategic Program for Climate Resilience. This project aimed to provide access to reliable water resources for domestic purposes, livestock, and irrigation for communities living in about 100 Village Development Committees located in the West Seti and Budi Ganga watersheds, which are characterized by high poverty rates and exclusionary practices.

Building on traditional practices and deep-rooted social and cultural norms, the project supported beneficiaries to develop and protect local water sources, such as springs and streams, and construct water storage for the sustained use of water during the dry season. The project also aimed to contribute to integrated land and water management in the watershed areas. A gender mainstreaming plan was implemented in the project, increasing women's participation and representation in project activities. As a result, women's time spent in collecting domestic water during the dry season was reduced by 75 percent, increasing their income, preventing them from taking high-interest loans from local money lenders and encouraging savings in the bank.

Similarly, the International Centre for Integrated Mountain Development (ICIMOD) and the Centre for Environment and Agriculture Policy Research, Extension and Development (CEAPRED) developed four Climate-Smart Villages (CSVs) in the Kavre district. The CSVs integrated climate-smart activities and engaged women farmers from 508 households and representation in 18 farmers' groups. Women were purposely selected (about 75 percent), and they were engaged in capacity-building training on soil nutrient management, simple water collection methods, and irrigation methods. This approach addressed water scarcity and uncertainty using simple water collection and irrigation methods, resulting in the diversification of crops based on rainfall patterns and climatic conditions. The CSVs worked with farmer groups to increase the resilience of their farms by implementing climate-smart practices. These successful pilots are now recommended to scale up by the local government.

Another project named ASHA implemented by the MoFE with support from IFAD, aims to support smallholder farmers in hilly areas through the Local Adaptation Plans for Action process. Focus areas include climate-resilient infrastructure, land management, climate-smart agriculture, and renewable energy technologies. Water management is a key activity, with the installation of solar lifting technology improving water supply and reducing the workload of women. Increased water availability has encouraged local women and farmers to cultivate commercially viable crops, connect with markets, and increase household incomes.

Similarly, the NCCSP project, implemented in 2013 and currently in its second phase, prioritizes climate and disaster risk management, environment, and energy. The project has successfully implemented integrated irrigation schemes, wetland protection, and the construction of structures for drinking water. Women's participation has been encouraged, with 51% of beneficiaries and 47% of local committee members being women. Successful models include Rudhakhola Irrigation, plastic tunnel farming, and improved water mills.

The current MoFE project, with support from IUCN, UNDP, and UNEP, focuses on ecosystem restoration, water conservation, land rehabilitation, livelihood diversification, and capacity enhancement of government agencies and local communities in three sub-watershed areas. Ethnic minorities and women groups have benefited from social benefit measures such as improved food security, access to clean water, access to a healthier diet, and strengthening of communities. An example of empowerment is the Women's Network executing and safeguarding the Amriso initiative.

Overall, these cases demonstrate that gender mainstreaming and the intentional involvement of women in project planning, implementation, and monitoring can lead to successful approaches to building climate resilience. The projects also demonstrate that women can play an essential role in natural resource management and conservation, leading to sustainable development results that benefit the entire community. These projects have improved livelihoods, increased access to clean water, and strengthened communities. Continued support and investment in these types of projects are essential to ensure sustainable development and address climate-related challenges in Nepal.

Key Gaps in Policies and Practices

This section discusses the obstacles faced by the water sector in integrating gender considerations into their policies and practices. The main challenges include the absence of proper enforcement mechanisms and insensitivity in recognizing women as the primary stakeholders. In many cases, women and other climate-vulnerable groups, especially ethnic minorities who will be directly impacted by the policy, are usually not informed about the policy formulation and thus their differential vulnerability and adaptation needs are not identified and addressed by the policy.

Although the National Water Resources Policy mentions climate change impacts and measures for mitigation and adaptation, there is still a scope to strengthen the sectoral policies by mainstreaming GESI and climate-friendly solutions. There are technologies such as solar lifting found to be beneficial in reducing the workload and drudgery of women. Despite the clear benefits of the technology, local governments and stakeholders are not fully aware of the technical details of its installation.

Policies need to be grounded on evidence-based research to capture women's perspectives in the water sector. Similarly, the lack of sex-disaggregated data across the sector regarding climate change at different levels is a major challenge that limits assessments of differential impacts, needs, and priorities. Without data backed by qualitative and quantitative research, informed decisions from policymakers would be highly unlikely.

After the new federal system was adopted by Nepal in 2015, the institutional reform process triggered changes in the roles of local governments. There are several overlaps in coordination between local and provincial governments about the management of watersheds and river basins. Previously, the district soil conservation offices used to have clearly defined working areas with direct connections with the local communities, whereas in the current structure, several districts under the basin office have limited human and financial resources.

Sectoral policies related to irrigation, drinking water, and sanitation have explicitly recognized the lack of women’s participation in decision-making forums and proposed a quota policy to overcome the barriers to women’s participation in decision-making bodies. Officials from MoFE engaged in the BCRWME project shared that, in many cases, though women are represented in executive committees, often they do not voice their concerns and influence the decisions. The historical discrimination and deep-rooted social norms and cultural values continue to hinder women’s empowerment.

Conclusion and Recommendations

Our analysis suggests policies specific to climate change have acknowledged the gender-differentiated impact of climate change and stressed women’s participation in the climate adaptation process. Policy documents of the water sector are mostly limited to women’s participation at the user group level and have not identified the gender differential impact of climate change on the sector. Quantitative representation is necessary but not enough to achieve the gender-responsive climate adaptation goal in the water sector unless women are truly empowered to partake in decision-making.

Despite the recognition of the lack of women’s participation in the decision-making process, policies and programs have not challenged the existing pattern of gender inequalities in the country. These policies and plans are implemented in a traditional way guided by the patriarchal mindset. Women are considered vulnerable and passive recipients of development interventions instead of the key stakeholders and change agents. The masculine work culture within the water sector often overlooks the gender concerns in the sector. The decreasing trend of the gender-responsive budget of the sectoral ministry indicates that there are very few programs designed under the ministry and concerned departments that address gender-specific needs.

Attempts are being made to address the workload and drudgery of women, especially considering the time spent in fetching water. The challenges that female-headed households face to access water for irrigation show that women’s roles in agriculture and water have not been recognized adequately. Women’s representation in the formal decision-making process is still limited both at institutional as well as community levels.

We argue that despite the recognition in policies, the implementation of gender and water sector policies in Nepal seems to be limited, with a need for further integration of gender perspectives and considerations of the impact of climate change on women within the sector policies and their implementation. Itis crucial to address the identified gaps to create inclusive water sector policies and practices that are fair and just to all. Therefore, to facilitate gender equality in climate-resilient water sector policies and practices, we recommend the following.

There is a dire need for a proactive approach to ensure sex-disaggregated as well as citizen data and outcomes of gender analysis are used in policy formulation processes. Moreover, citizen data is essential as it offers depth insights on how various aspects of identity and social categorizations intersect and impact experiences and outcomes. This approach goes beyond simply highlighting community needs and challenges to consider how factors such as gender, age, ethnicity, socio-economic status, and other identities intersect to influence access to resources and services.

Such an approach is vital for inclusive policy planning that contributes to GESI mainstreaming in water sector policy.

There is also a critical need to identify quantifiable gender targets and set them within institutions and at project levels throughout the project cycle management. While GESI operational guidelines might aid the process, proactive action is needed to ensure the identification of appropriate targets and interventions. This requires the participation of sociologists and gender experts alongside hydrologists and male engineers to make meaningful contributions that facilitate gender-inclusivity.

The authors suggest making a case for gender analysis within water sector research to understand the differential needs and priorities of various groups of women and men and their adaptive capacities to change climatic conditions. Addressing the issue of women's limited access to financial resources in Nepal requires targeted interventions that promote gender equality and women’s economic empowerment. Therefore,

investments, enforcement mechanisms, monitoring, accountability measures, and clear indicators are essential for implementing gender-responsive policies to support women in overcoming barriers and achieving financial inclusion in water resources management. Also, there is a need for regular gender audits to track progress, and the monitoring and evaluation units should be provided with budgetary provisions. Some specific key recommendations to create a clear action plan for moving forward are as follows;

• Establish a dedicated GESI unit under the Ministry of Energy, Water Resources and Irrigation, and subsidiary organizations such as the Department of Water Resources and Irrigation, Water Resource Research and Development Center, and other associated institutions with clear roles, responsibilities, and financial resources.
• Position bearers at the GESI units and the GFPs should be strengthened to ensure knowledge transfer among the implementing organizations at all levels of the government. Institutionalization of GESI to promote departmental integration and communication.
• invest in strengthening capacity, targeting investments in gender action plans and GRB allocation, sensitizing decision-makers, and promoting effective coordination among water management agencies and departments.

Acknowledgments

This study is a part of the Climate Adaptation and Resilience (CARE) for South Asia project, which is being implemented by the Asian Disaster Preparedness Center (ADPC) and the Regional Integrated Multi-Hazard Early Warning System (RIMES) with support from the World Bank. The project consists of three primary components: agriculture, water, and resilient transport infrastructure, as well as two overarching themes: policy, planning and finance, and gender mainstreaming. The funding entity was not directly involved in the article's research or creation.

Conflict of interest

The authors declare that they do not have any known financial or personal conflicts of interest that could have influenced the findings or presentation of this paper. The authors are grateful to the government officials from the relevant Ministries, key informants, and ADPC colleagues both at headquarters and the country office. Furthermore, the authors would like to thank external reviewers for their helpful comments and suggestions.

Data availability statement

All relevant data are included in the paper.

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Gurung, Chanda, and Sunita Bisht. 2014. "Women’s Empowerment at the Frontline of Adaptation: Emerging issues, adaptive practices, and priorities in Nepal." ICIMOD Working Paper 2014/3.

International Centre for Integrated Mountain Development (ICIMOD). 2011. "The adaptive capacity of the community depends on their knowledge and awareness of climate change risks and mechanisms for addressing risk together with their access to, and control over resources." International Centre for Integrated Mountain Development.

International Centre for Integrated Mountain Development (ICIMOD). 2021. "The State of Gender Equality and Climate Change in Nepal; SUMMARY FOR POLICYMAKERS."

Khadka, Manohara. 2022. "Empowering female farmers through improved access to water technologies." International Water Management Institute. Retrieved from https://www.iwmi.cgiar.org/2022/01/empowering-female-farmers-through-improved-access-to-water-technologies/.

McDowell, Graham, Michele Koppes, Leila M. Harris, Kai M.A. Chan, Mary F. Price, Dhawa G. Lama, Gladys Jiménez and Asia Khamsang. 2022. "Lived experiences of ‘peak water’ in the high mountains of Nepal and Peru." Climate and Development 14, no. 3: 268-281.

Meinzen-Dick, Ruth, Prachanda Pradhan, and Wei Zhang. 2022. "Migration and Gender Dynamics of Irrigation Governance in Nepal." International Journal of the Commons 16 (1).

Ministry of Forest and Environment (MoFE). 2020. "Gender and Social Inclusion Strategy and Action Plan in Climate Change in Nepal."

Ministry of Finance (MoF). 2008. Gender Responsive Budget. Ministry of Finance, Government of Nepal. https://old.mof.gov.np/grbc/grb%20new%20englis%20bros.pdf.

Resurrección, Bernadette P., Christina Goodrich, Yunqing Song, Ajay Bastola, Aayush Prakash, Deepak Joshi, et al. 2019. "In the Shadows of the Himalayan Mountains: Persistent Gender and Social Exclusion in Development." In The Hindu Kush Himalaya Assessment, 491-516. Cham: Springer.

Sapkota, Prativa, Rodney J. Keenan, Jana-Axinja Paschen, and Homant Raj Ojha. "The social production of vulnerability to climate change in the rural middle hills of Nepal." Journal of Rural Studies 48 (2016): 53-64.

Shrestha, Gita, and Florence Clement. "Unravelling gendered practices in the public water sector in Nepal." Water Policy (2019).

Shrestha, Dinesh, Suman Sharma, Keshav Hamal, Uzair Khan Jadoon, and Bishal Dawadi. "Spatial distribution of extreme precipitation events and their trend in Nepal." Environmental Sciences 9, no. 1 (2021): 58-66.

Singh, Ramesh B., Swarnim Shrestha, and Sabin Bhattarai. "Federalism and environmental degradation in Nepal." Journal of Environmental Management 261 (2020): 110246.

Sugden, Fraser, and Supun De Silva. "A framework to understand gender and structural vulnerability to climate change in the Ganges River Basin: lessons from Bangladesh, India and Nepal."

Sugden, Fraser, Narayan Maskey, Florence Clement, Vangalhe Ramesh, Asmita Philip, and Arpana Rai. "Agrarian stress and climate change in the Eastern Gangetic Plains: Gendered vulnerability in a stratified social formation." Global Environmental Change (2014): 258-269.

Tamang, Sujata, Krishna Prasad Paudel, and Krishana K. Shrestha. "Feminization of agriculture and its implications for food security in rural Nepal." Journal of Forest and Livelihood 12, no. 1 (2014): 20-32.

Udas, Prasun Bhakta, Alok Prakash, and Carolyn Goodrich. "Gendered vulnerabilities in Diaras; Struggles with floods in the Gandak river basin in Bihar, India."

Upadhyay, Bhawana. Gender roles and multiple uses of water in North Gujarat. Vol. 70. IWMI, 2004.

Upadhyay, Bhawana. "Water, poverty and gender: a review of evidence from Nepal, India and South Africa." Water Policy 5, no. 5-6 (2003): 503-511.

USAID. "Nepal Gender Equality and Social Inclusion Analysis" (2020).

Wali, Nidhi, Nichole, Georgeou, Olivia Simmons, Madhu, Gautam, and Supriya Gurung. "Women and WASH in Nepal: a scoping review of existing literature." Water International, 45(3), 222-245. https://doi.org/10.1080/02508060.2020.1754564

Yadav, Punam, Naomi Saville, Abriti Arjyal, Sushil Baral, Patty Kostkova, and Maureen Fordham. "A feminist vision for transformative change to disaster risk reduction policies and practices." International Journal of Disaster Risk Reduction 54 (2021): 102026.

1. The identified policy documents for climate change and water sectors are listed in Table 1 - mapping of gender considerations in the key water and climate policy documents. ↑

2. Directly gender responsive budget: More than 50 percent of the allocation directly benefits women ↑

3. Indirectly gender responsive budget: 20- 50 percent of the allocation directly benefitting women ↑

4. Gender-neutral budget: Less than 20 percent allocation benefitting women ↑